2023.03.23 18:00 Colonial_Revival Join the Wallkill River Alliance for 8th Annual Wallkill River Summit on Wednesday, May 3 from 5pm-7:30pm at on the College Terrace at SUNY New Paltz
2023.03.23 01:34 zoominzacks Tree sale for Scott county residents! A recent post about native plants/grass planting reminded me. A neighbor posted this on our door. He planted A LOT of trees doing this. Might be worth it to look into your own county to see if a program like this exists.
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2023.03.22 19:57 AngelaMotorman Spring Tree and Plant Sale - Franklin Soil and Water Conservation District
submitted by AngelaMotorman to Columbus [link] [comments]
2023.03.17 19:20 lostvalleyeducation Plant Propagation Fair
![]() | submitted by lostvalleyeducation to Eugene [link] [comments]  Bare root plants (edible fruit trees, nuts, and berries), and veg. starts will be for sale. Including herbal goods & more from local vendors. There will also be a seed swap, with many varieties to choose from! Feel free to bring some seeds of your own to share! More details about vendors to come. If you would like to be a vendor, please contact our garden manager at [email protected] We want to thank our sponsors at the Upper Willamette Water & Soil Conservation District. Thanks to them we will continue to host our seasonal Farmer's Markets |
2023.03.08 11:13 crouton_sandwich Albany Gardening Resources
2023.02.28 14:53 Then_Marionberry_259 FEB 28, 2023 MMG.V METALLIC MINERALS INTERCEPTS 816 METERS OF 0.41% CUEQ, ENDING IN 3.53% CUEQ OVER FINAL 9.75 METERS IN NEWLY DISCOVERED HIGH-GRADE ZONE AT ITS LA PLATA PROJECT, COLORADO, USA
![]() | https://preview.redd.it/5rcryykzpxka1.png?width=3500&format=png&auto=webp&s=25ae94ceb2ba2ea3d53f1e87f2c4bb7a50c2a020 submitted by Then_Marionberry_259 to Treaty_Creek [link] [comments] VANCOUVER, BC / ACCESSWIRE / February 28, 2023 / Metallic Minerals Corp. (TSX.V:MMG)(OTCQB:MMNGF) ("Metallic Minerals" or the "Company") is pleased to announce final results from its 2022 exploration program at the La Plata copper-silver-gold-platinum group element ("Cu-Ag-Au-PGE") project in southwestern Colorado. Two holes totaling 1,730 meters ("m") were drilled to test lateral extensions of the existing 985-million-pound copper equivalent NI 43-101 mineral resource1. Hole LAP22-04, drilled to the north of the resource area, intercepted the longest and highest-grade interval ever encountered at La Plata at 816 m of 0.41% Recovered Copper Equivalent ("CuEq") (see Table 1 footnote). This is one of the top intersections for any North American copper project in the past several years. Significant high-grade gold-platinum-palladium ("Au+PGE") mineralization associated with copper and silver represents the discovery of a new style of mineralization in the resource area that has not been previously recognized or explored for. The porphyry style mineralization in LAP22-04 strengthens through the hole, transitioning from chalcopyrite dominated at surface to bornite-rich at depth. The hole ended in mineralization with the final 5.2 m of copper plus precious metals rich mineralization grading 5.39% CuEq (2.44% Cu, 18.7 grams per tonne ("g/t") Ag and 5.0 g/t Au+PGE (see Figure 1) but did not reach full target depth due to mechanical issues. The last sample in the hole, representing the deepest material, graded 5.42% Cu, with 47.0 g/t Ag and 11.0 g/t Au+PGE for a total of 11.54% CuEq. Mineralization remains completely open to expansion of the current resource area and outward from drill hole LAP22-04 (see Figure 2). Both drill holes intercepted continuous porphyry style mineralization starting from surface and ending in mineralization at 914 and 816 meters depth, respectively. Hole LAP22-03 shows that the shallow porphyry style mineralization is weakening to the south and west of the resource but still open at depth (see Figure 3). Drilling Highlights
Scott Petsel, President of Metallic Minerals, stated, "We have had no doubt about the strength of the mineralized system in the La Plata district, based on its 10 km2 alteration footprint and high-grade past production from the surrounding epithermal silver and gold deposits. Our work since 2020 has rapidly demonstrated the significance of the porphyry system, with the definition of our inaugural copper-silver resource in early 2022. Now, with a major new high-grade discovery from step out drilling in hole LAP22-04, we are uncovering how richly mineralized that porphyry system is. The intensity of alteration and mineralization in this drilling indicates we are vectoring to a higher-grade portion of the La Plata porphyry system with overlapping mineralization styles and a transition to high-grade bornite-rich copper mineralization with associated high precious metals values." "While it is not uncommon to have elevated platinum group metals in alkalic porphyry systems associated with copper, silver and gold, the level of enrichment at La Plata, with wide intervals of greater than 0.8% copper and up to multi-gram gold, platinum and palladium values, is truly exceptional. The occurrence of other anomalous critical minerals, including tellurium and rare earth elements ("REE"s), is also an intriguing value-adding opportunity. Other major alkalic magmatic systems in the region include Rio Tinto's Bingham Canyon and Newmont's Cripple Creek mines, which also include enrichment in tellurium, PGEs and other critical minerals." 2023 Prospectors and Developers Convention (PDAC) - Booth, Presentation & YMA Core Shack Metallic Minerals will be attending PDAC 2023 and attendees are invited to visit the Company at Investors Exchange Booth #3024. Additionally, President Scott Petsel will be providing a corporate presentation at a Forum for Investors during the 2023 Prospectors and Developers convention in Toronto Monday March 6th in the silver-focused session, Room 803, between 10:00 am and 12:00 pm at the Metro Toronto Convention Center. For more information, visit here. The Company will also be participating in the inaugural Yukon Mining Alliance Invest Yukon Core Shack to be held in the Investors Exchange exhibit hall in Booth #3314, adjacent to the main PDAC Core Shack. Our technical team will be on hand to display core from La Plata (including Hole LAP22-04) and our Keno Silver project. Table 1. La Plata Project 2022 Drill Results https://preview.redd.it/7mpku2ozpxka1.png?width=720&format=png&auto=webp&s=50953ba571f8ef0dc79b1950fcc37bd4366aacf5 Notes to reported values:
https://preview.redd.it/2gvwhepzpxka1.png?width=1537&format=png&auto=webp&s=1684b15be72813800f346fc9001f817ab8366131 Figure 2 - La Plata 3D Long Section looking northwest, with significant drill intervals and mineralized grade shells Including, Hole LAP22-04. Shows nearly 1.5 kilometers of vertical mineralization open at depth and along trend to the north and east and to the west. Note 0.25% CuEq cut-off grade shell and higher-grade 0.4% CuEq shell. https://preview.redd.it/jq6i8luzpxka1.png?width=1548&format=png&auto=webp&s=7801fb3d99fd54024ec647b43db73befb3a34ce7 Figure 3 - Plan map of the Allard Resource Area showing surface projections of the drill hole traces with CuEq% or Cu% in historic holes without precious metals assays. https://preview.redd.it/zvnjj6wzpxka1.png?width=1046&format=png&auto=webp&s=69ce715c4a2dcd9ef7dbaf9d4df06ade9c19c866 La Plata Property Overview Metallic Minerals' La Plata project covers 44 square kilometers 20 km northwest of Mancos, Colorado, within the historic La Plata mining district, that is in the southwest portion of the prolific Colorado Mineral Belt. Copper mineralization with associated silver, gold, platinum and palladium is hosted by a large-scale, Late Mesozoic age, alkalic porphyry system with related silver, gold, telluride epithermal vein, breccia and replacement deposits hosted in adjacent sedimentary rocks. The La Plata district has a long and rich history of mining with the first silver deposits discovered in the 1700s by Spanish explorers. High-grade silver and gold production has been documented from the 1870s through the early 1940s from mineralized deposits at over 90 individual mines and prospects2. From the 1950s to 1970s, major miners including Rio Tinto (Bear Creek) and Freeport-McMoRan (Phelps Dodge) explored the district focusing on the significant potential for bulk-tonnage disseminated and stockwork hosted mineralization3. Freeport-McMoRan retained ownership of claims in the district until 2002 when they sold their holdings to the current underlying vendors during the lows of the last metal price cycle. A total of 58 drill holes totaling 16,930 m have been drilled on the property from the 1950s to present, this drilling has demonstrated the presence of a large multi-phase porphyry system with copper, silver, gold with more recent discoveries highlighting the potential for significant PGEs, rare earth minerals and tellurium. This large-scale mineralized system is associated with a 10 km2 strongly magnetic signature with intense hydrothermal alteration. Surrounding the central porphyry system is an associated high-grade silver and gold-rich epithermal system measuring at least 8 km by 2 km that hosts 56 identified vein, replacement, and breccia structures. Historical production from some of these high-grade structures included bonanza grades for silver and gold. Exploration by Metallic Minerals and Allard Deposit NI 43-101 Resource Estimate Metallic Minerals is conducting systematic exploration of the La Plata property since its acquisition in late 2019. This work has included drilling, underground sampling, mapping, geochemical soil sampling and 3-dimensional modeling. Comprehensive geophysical surveys have also been undertaken including airborne resistivity and magnetics, ground-based induced polarization surveys, and analysis of multi-spectral remote sensing data to establish mineralized anomalies and domains for the various styles of mineralization. This work has identified potential extensions of the main Allard deposit, as well as 16 untested potential porphyry signatures outside of the resource area, and has developed targets for high-grade epithermal silver, gold and tellurium. Exploration in 2021 included 1,980 meters of diamond drilling, resampling of historical drill core, underground sampling from the Allard tunnel and mapping and sampling across the broader property. This work supported the development of an inaugural NI 43-101 resource in the Allard area. The April 2022 technical report defined the resource as 115.7 million tonnes at an average grade of 0.39% CuEq (0.35% Cu and 4.02 g/t Ag) using a 0.25% CuEq cut-off grade1. The 1,730-meter 2022 La Plata drill program was designed to test extensions of porphyry style mineralization beyond the resource area to provide vectors toward higher-grade parts of the mineral system. Results from that drilling demonstrate that mineralization remains open to significant expansion. Modelling work for an updated resource estimate, incorporating the 2022 drilling, has been initiated by SGS and is anticipated to be complete by mid-2023. Critical Minerals The Allard deposit at La Plata is a significant potential source of copper and silver, both important industrial metals used for modern technologies broadly and particularly in renewable and clean energy applications. Recent and historical work has also demonstrated that the broader La Plata district is also a potential source of other Critical Minerals identified by the U.S. Government as requirements for economic and national security4. Drilling by Metallic Minerals in 2022 returned multi-gram intervals of platinum group elements with individual grades up to 5.0 g/t Pt and 5.4 g/t Pd, as well as critical minerals such as vanadium, and rare earth elements. Tellurium, another element on the critical mineral list, was a by-product of historic high-grade gold and silver production in the district. The potential for these critical minerals to add additional economic value to the La Plata project will be evaluated as part of ongoing exploration. USGS Earth MRI Program The U.S. Geological Survey ("USGS") is funding the Colorado Geological Survey for geological studies in the La Plata Mountains as part of the Earth Mapping Resources Initiative ("Earth MRI"). The work to be carried out by the Colorado Geological Survey includes geologic mapping as well as geochemical and mineralogical studies in the La Plata Mining District to generate a greater understanding of the area's potential to host critical minerals. See USGS news release dated January 25, 2023. Forest Service Plan of Operations Authorization The U.S. Forest Service ("USFS") has authorized Metallic Minerals' Plan of Operations for proposed 2023 exploration drilling on USFS lands. The authorization of these drill sites allows for expanded drill testing opportunities near the Allard Cu-Ag-Au-PGE resource and for the drilling of several of the additional porphyry-style targets as defined by the Company's geological team. About Metallic Minerals Metallic Minerals Corp. is a leading exploration and development stage company, The Company is focused on silver and gold in the high-grade Keno Hill and Klondike districts of the Yukon, and copper, silver and other critical minerals in the La Plata mining district in Colorado. Our objective is to create shareholder value through a systematic, entrepreneurial approach to making exploration discoveries, growing resources, and advancing projects toward development. Metallic Minerals has consolidated the second-largest land position in the historic Keno Hill silver district of Canada's Yukon Territory, directly adjacent to Hecla Mining's operations, with more than 300 million ounces of high-grade silver in past production and current M&I resources. Hecla Mining Company, the largest primary silver producer in the USA and third largest in the world, completed the acquisition of Alexco Resources and their Keno Hill operations in September 2022. Metallic Minerals is also one of the largest holders of alluvial gold claims in the Yukon and is building a production royalty business by partnering with experienced mining operators, including Parker Schnabel of Little Flake Mining from the hit television show Gold Rush on the Discovery Channel. At the Company's La Plata project in southwestern Colorado an inaugural NI 43-101 mineral resource estimate in April 2022 returned a significant porphyry copper-silver resource with results from the 2023 resource expansion pending. All of the districts in which Metallic Minerals operates have seen significant mineral production and have existing infrastructure, including power and road access. Metallic Minerals is led by a team with a track record of discovery and exploration success on several major precious and base metal deposits in the region, as well as having large-scale development, permitting and project financing expertise. The Metallic Minerals team has been recognized for its environmental stewardship practices and is committed to responsible and sustainable resource development. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT: Website: www.mmgsilver.com Phone: 604-629-7800 Email: [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]) Toll Free: 1-888-570-4420 Foot notes:
The disclosure in this news release of scientific and technical information regarding exploration projects on Metallic Minerals' mineral properties has been reviewed and approved by Jeff Cary, CPG, who is a Qualified Person as defined by National Instrument 43-101 - Standards of Disclosure for Mineral Projects ("NI 43-101"). Quality Assurance / Quality Control All samples were prepared by Bureau Veritas Sparks, Nevada facility and analyzed at the Burnaby, B.C. facility. All samples were analyzed using the AQ-252 EXT procedure using a 30-gram multi-acid digestion with an ICP-ES/MS finish. Over-limit copper and silver samples were analyzed using the MA-401 procedure using a multi-acid digestion and atomic absorption spectrometry analysis. Select samples with elevated values of gold, platinum or palladium were re-analyzed using the FA330 procedure using a 30-gram fire assay fusion with an ICP-ES finish. All results have passed the QAQC screening by the lab and the company utilized a quality control and quality assurance program which included blank, duplicate, multiple standard reference samples and third-party umpire samples. Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release. SOURCE: Metallic Minerals Corp. View source version on accesswire.com: https://www.accesswire.com/741140/Metallic-Minerals-Intercepts-816-Meters-of-041-CuEq-Ending-in-353-CuEq-Over-Final-975-Meters-in-Newly-Discovered-High-Grade-Zone-at-its-La-Plata-Project-Colorado-USA https://preview.redd.it/xf2ci8yzpxka1.png?width=4000&format=png&auto=webp&s=2234f726cc41fca9d180aec22efc866c2df5dad3
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2023.02.28 04:25 Casariecanary NNJ board game group
2023.02.28 01:19 For2ANJ Week Ending 2.26.23 This Week's Media Coverage on "New Jersey Guns"
2023.02.25 19:41 binsap A Five-Day Adventure in the Big Apple
![]() | New York City is an iconic destination that offers endless possibilities for visitors. From world-renowned museums to dazzling Broadway shows, famous landmarks, and a vibrant food scene, there is something for everyone. This five-day itinerary will take you on a journey through the city that never sleeps, providing a mix of popular tourist attractions and hidden gems. submitted by binsap to 2rism [link] [comments] New York Day 1: Exploring Manhattan Start your adventure in the heart of Manhattan, the most iconic borough of New York City. Begin your day by grabbing breakfast at one of the many local cafes or diners. We recommend visiting Joe's Coffee or the Egg Shop for some classic New York breakfast options. After breakfast, take a stroll through Central Park, one of the most famous parks in the world. You can rent a bike, take a pedicab tour, or just walk around and admire the beauty of this urban oasis. Make sure to stop by the Central Park Zoo, Bethesda Fountain, and the Great Lawn. In the afternoon, head to the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) to explore the incredible collection of modern and contemporary art. The museum houses works by some of the most famous artists in history, including Vincent van Gogh, Pablo Picasso, and Jackson Pollock. In the evening, take a walk through Times Square, the bustling commercial and entertainment hub of New York City. This vibrant neighborhood is known for its dazzling lights, huge billboards, and colorful street performers. Grab dinner at one of the many restaurants in the area, such as the Red Lobster or the Olive Garden. Day 2: Brooklyn and Lower Manhattan On your second day, take a break from the touristy Manhattan and head to the trendy borough of Brooklyn. Start your day by visiting the Brooklyn Bridge, one of the most iconic landmarks in New York City. Walk across the bridge and admire the stunning views of the Manhattan skyline. After crossing the bridge, explore the neighborhoods of Dumbo and Brooklyn Heights. Dumbo is known for its trendy cafes, boutique shops, and the beautiful Brooklyn Bridge Park. Make sure to stop by the famous Jacques Torres Chocolate shop for some delicious treats. In the afternoon, head back to Manhattan and explore the historic Lower East Side. This neighborhood is known for its diverse mix of cultures and cuisines. Stop by the Tenement Museum to learn about the immigrant history of the area, and visit the Essex Street Market for some local food options. In the evening, take a stroll through the lively Chinatown neighborhood and grab dinner at one of the many Chinese restaurants. Some of the best options include Joe's Shanghai and Xi'an Famous Foods. Day 3: Museums and Art Galleries New York City is home to some of the best museums and art galleries in the world. On your third day, explore some of these cultural institutions and immerse yourself in the city's rich history and artistic traditions. Start your day by visiting the Metropolitan Museum of Art, one of the largest and most comprehensive art museums in the world. The museum houses over two million works of art, including paintings, sculptures, and decorative arts from ancient times to the present day. In the afternoon, visit the Whitney Museum of American Art, which showcases the best of American contemporary art. The museum is located in the trendy Meatpacking District, which is also home to several other art galleries, boutiques, and restaurants. In the evening, head to the Upper East Side and visit the Guggenheim Museum, which houses an impressive collection of modern and contemporary art. The museum is also known for its iconic Frank Lloyd Wright-designed building, which is a work of art in itself. Day 4: Central Park and Broadway On your fourth day, return to the heart of Manhattan and explore more of Central Park. Start your day by visiting the Central Park Zoo, which is located in the southeast corner of the park. The zoo features a variety of animals, including penguins, sea lions, and snow leopards. After visiting the zoo, take a leisurely walk through the park and enjoy the scenery. You can also rent a rowboat or visit the Central Park Conservatory Garden. In the evening, experience the magic of Broadway by attending a show. New York City is home to some of the most famous theaters in the world, and Broadway shows are a must-see for anyone visiting the city. Some popular shows include The Lion King, Hamilton, and Wicked. Day 5: Statue of Liberty and High Line On your final day in New York City, take a trip to see one of the most iconic landmarks in the world, the Statue of Liberty. Start your day by taking a ferry to Liberty Island and exploring the statue and the surrounding grounds. You can also visit the nearby Ellis Island National Museum of Immigration to learn about the history of immigration to the United States. In the afternoon, visit the High Line, a unique public park built on a former elevated railway track. The park features stunning views of the Hudson River and the city skyline, as well as art installations and gardens. You can also stop by the Chelsea Market, a bustling indoor food market with a wide variety of local vendors. In the evening, head back to Manhattan and enjoy a farewell dinner at one of the city's many restaurants. We recommend visiting the famous Katz's Delicatessen for some classic New York-style deli food, or the Michelin-starred Le Bernardin for a more upscale dining experience. Conclusion: New York City is a vast and diverse destination with something for everyone. Whether you're interested in art, history, food, or just want to experience the energy of the city, this five-day itinerary provides a perfect introduction to the Big Apple. From exploring the city's famous landmarks to discovering hidden gems in its diverse neighborhoods, this adventure is sure to be a memorable one. |
2023.02.25 18:49 famsalce posted this in the new jersey sub, got removed because it wasn’t a link. so now I’m ironically posting this here with the same caption; real recognize real
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2023.02.24 03:56 Obversa TIL that the first two-party election Fort Myers, which took place in 1904, was between the Democratic Party (now the Republican Party) and the Socialist Party.
The first Socialist Party of America (SPA) local in Florida was founded in Orlando, Florida, on November 18, 1901, a few months after the national party was founded.From 1900 to 1912, the Socialist Party flourished and grew in Florida, but began to decline from 1912 to 1920. In 1913, Florida's first Socialist Party-affiliated newspaper, the Florida Beacon, was founded in Tampa. However, the paper only lasted for less than a year before it went bankrupt.
The original Socialist Party of Florida was founded as a part of the SPA, in July 1902. By 1904, it had more than fifty chapters, [including a Fort Myers chapter], [with its primary two hubs being Jacksonville and Tampa].
In July and August of that year, county chapters in Manatee, Hillsborough and Duval would nominate candidates for local office, who would all run without success.
The state party would hold its first convention in Orlando sometime during the first week of July 1904, nominating several candidates to run governor and cabinet positions.
During the early 1900s, the Socialist Party in Florida would be impacted by Jim Crow, as African-American members were required to be members of their own local chapter separate from white ones; or, in the case there was an insufficient amount, they would be members of the state party directly.
During the 1906 elections, Manatee County would unexpectedly elect Andrew Jackson Pettigrew, who was running under the Socialist Party as state representative, defeating John A. Graham. Pettigrew had previously ran in 1904 for the same position, but was unsuccessful. [Pettigrew served in public office from 1907 to 1909.]
[A different Pettigrew, "S.A. Pettigrew", a Lee County nurseryman, also ran for Florida Secretary of Agriculture as a Socialist Party candidate.]
After the 1906 elections, the Socialist Party would generally be optimistic for 1908. A second convention would be held in Tampa on July 4, 1908. Sixty delegates would attend, with at least one coming from each of Florida's counties, [including Lee County].
The party would select its nominees for every state level office, with the exception of the Attorney General. The convention would also select candidates to run its three congressional districts along with five electoral college members.
Mrs. S. F. J. Linn, who was the party's nominee for Superintendent of Schools that year, would be the first female candidate to appear on the ballot in a state level race. She would also receive the highest percentage the Socialist Party would ever manage to achieve, at 10.4% for a race at the state level.
[In 1912, the Socialist Party candidate for U.S. President, Eugene Debs, received more votes in Florida than Theodore Roosevelt of the Progressive Party, or William Howard Taft of the Republican (now Democratic) Party. Florida was the only state in the former Confederacy where this minor party showed up as second place in voting.]
During the summer of 1913, the Socialist Party would make rounds in St. Augustine's municipal elections, getting close to winning positions in the municipal government during a contentious campaign with the Democratic Party, but ended up losing by "only forty-eight votes".
Nominees would be: David L. Dunham for mayor; T.J. Speisseger; Candido Meitin for an unknown position; and Edgar Manucy for municipal judge. All of the party's nominees came from prominent families in the city, and the rest of the party's support came from members of the city's working class.
Socialists in St. Augustine showed less consideration for issues of race, ethnicity, and class, although the city overall was described as having an intense racial, ethnic, and religious hierarchy to it. They would find more success in Longwood and Hastings, which was located nearby, where the party would elected justices of the peace for both locations.
2023.02.23 02:57 ToffeeFever ‘The Democratic Party in New York Is a Disaster’: After losing crucial seats in the congressional midterms, a bitter civil war over the moribund state organization has spilled into the open.
The stunning failure of the Democratic Party on election night was nowhere more apparent than at Il Bacco, an Italian restaurant on the boulevard where Queens bleeds into Nassau County. That was where a soon-to-be-infamous 34-year-old political neophyte walked out to a cheering throng of Republicans and declared victory in one of America’s most important House contests. “Only in this country can the kid who came from the basement in Jackson Heights … ,” George Santos began, before he was momentarily overwhelmed. “To everybody watching, I want you to know that the American dream is worth fighting for. It’s worth defending, and that’s why I jumped into this race.”
In another era — two or four years ago, perhaps — the Santos saga, with its absurd cascade of lies, would have been an amusing sideshow for many Democratic politicians, who would have been able to mock the chaos and move on, comfortably sure that Santos, who fabricated much of his personal and financial biography, would only further hobble a neutered Republican minority. But the new congressman, now under investigation by local and federal authorities, was instead a crucial cog in Kevin McCarthy’s House majority, having flipped the redrawn Third Congressional District in New York, an area that had been represented by Democrats for decades, by eight points.
These days, New York is known as the deep-blue state where Democrats lost four seats on the way to losing the House of Representatives and effectively halting President Biden’s domestic agenda for the next two years. Kathy Hochul, who served as Andrew Cuomo’s lieutenant governor before accusations of sexual harassment and assault forced him from office in 2021, won the narrowest race for governor in 28 years, beating Lee Zeldin, a Trump-supporting congressman from Long Island, by less than six points. While forecasts for a national red wave didn’t materialize — Democratic candidates for governor and the Senate were largely triumphant in tossup races across the country, and Chuck Schumer of Brooklyn remained the Senate majority leader — Democrats stumbled in territory on Long Island and in the Hudson Valley that Biden won handily just two years earlier.
These disappointments have cast into sharp relief both the divisions within the party and the peculiar void of the state’s Democratic organization itself. Few New Yorkers cared, until late 2022, that the statewide Democratic apparatus operated, for the most part, as a hollowed-out appendage of the governor, a second campaign account that did little, if any, work in terms of messaging and turnout. New Hampshire, a state with roughly half the population of Queens, has a Democratic Party with 16 full-time paid staff members. New York’s has four, according to the state chairman, Jay Jacobs. One helps maintain social media accounts that update only sparingly. Most state committee members have no idea where the party keeps its headquarters, or if it even has one. (It does, at 50 Broadway in Manhattan.)
National parties function as enormous umbrella organizations, determining the presidential primary calendar and the process for allocating delegates at the national conventions. The drudgery of running elections is left to the local and state parties, as well as individual campaigns and independent political action committees.
Elsewhere in the country, state Democratic parties are much more robust than they are in New York. In Wisconsin, under the leadership of 42-year-old Ben Wikler, the party offered crucial organizing muscle in Gov. Tony Evers’s re-election win, staving off a Republican statewide sweep. The Nevada Democratic Party, despite infighting among moderates and progressives, aided Senator Catherine Cortez Masto’s re-election, investing strongly in rural voter engagement. And in California, the party chair position is publicly contested among multiple candidates, with delegates voting as Democrats traverse the state and make their case in the media.
As for New York, observers across the ideological spectrum agree that the state is entering an unprecedented era, with warring political factions and a glaring power vacuum. Hochul recently became the first governor in New York history to have the State Legislature, controlled by Democrats, vote down her nominee to the state’s highest court. Progressives spearheaded opposition to the judge, Hector LaSalle, arguing that he was too conservative.
In challenging Hochul from the right, Zeldin was savagely effective — “Vote like your life depends on it,” he exhorted, echoing Richard Nixon, in the final days of the campaign — in seizing on suburban anxieties around rising crime that Republicans in other states weren’t able to successfully exploit. While Manhattan and the combined might of upper-income white and middle-class Black voters thwarted Zeldin in the five boroughs, he made notable inroads with working-class Asian Americans, potentially heralding a political realignment for the city’s fastest growing demographic. Hochul’s campaign was assailed for its relative listlessness and failure to counter Republican attacks on crime. “That is an issue that had to be dealt with early on, not 10 days before the election,” Nancy Pelosi chided the governor. (Hochul’s staff did not make her available for an interview.)
Within the confines of New York, Democrats remain historically dominant, retaining veto-proof majorities in both the State Senate and State Assembly. All the statewide elected officials are Democrats, as is the mayor of New York City, Eric Adams. But this is a recent shift: Republicans controlled the State Senate almost continuously from the mid-1960s until 2019. George Pataki, a moderate Republican, led the state for 12 years, and Rudy Giuliani and Michael Bloomberg ran New York City from 1994 through 2013.
Heading into 2022, Democrats were confident that after decades of Republican rule in the State Legislature, they could entirely control the state’s redistricting process, engineering favorable House maps for the fall. After a quasi-independent commission deadlocked — critics argued that it was designed to fail when Cuomo helped create it a decade ago — Democratic state legislators redrew lines that strongly favored their party. Republicans sued in court, claiming that the Democrats’ maps violated an anti-gerrymandering clause in the State Constitution. To the shock of many political insiders, the Republicans won their court battle, and an outside special master was appointed by an upstate Republican judge to quickly draw new lines. House primaries were shoved from June to August.
With the special master prioritizing competitiveness, not incumbency advantage, Democrats found themselves thrown together in some of the same districts. Representative Jerry Nadler was pitted in a nasty primary against his longtime colleague Carolyn Maloney in Manhattan. (Nadler would prevail.) North of the city, Sean Patrick Maloney, the chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and a pugilistic centrist, decided to run in a new district spanning Rockland and Westchester that included far more turf that had been represented by Mondaire Jones, a neighboring progressive.
“Sean Patrick Maloney did not even give me a heads up before he went on Twitter to make that announcement,” Jones fumed at the time. “And I think that tells you everything you need to know about Sean Patrick Maloney.” Ritchie Torres, a Bronx congressman, accused Maloney of “thinly veiled racism” against Jones, who is Black. Maloney held his ground, and Jones was forced to move to a new district in New York City, where he would lose in an August primary. Maloney fended off a primary challenge from Alessandra Biaggi, a state senator who ran far to his left. Then, despite a titanic war chest, he fell to Mike Lawler, a Republican state legislator, by less than a point. Jones tweeted one word: “Yikes.”
And now the Democratic civil war rages. Jacobs, who is also the chairman of the Nassau County Democratic Party and is on his second tour leading the statewide organization, has come in for a drubbing. A week after the election, more than 1,000 Democrats signed a letter calling for Jacobs’s ouster. They included state legislators, City Council members, county leaders and members of New York’s 400-odd Democratic State Committee. Most of them belonged to the state’s progressive wing, which has grown only further emboldened since the fall. On Jan. 3, a number of them gathered outside City Hall to reiterate their demands: Jacobs must go.
“The party has to change, and it can’t change until we change the leadership,” George Albro, a co-chair of the New York Progressive Action Network, a left-wing organization formed from the remnants of Bernie Sanders’s 2016 campaign, said in an interview. “From top to bottom, the Democratic Party in New York is a disaster.”
Until Cuomo’s downfall, Jacobs was known as a close ally of the imperious governor. His first tenure as party chairman came under Cuomo’s predecessor, David Paterson, but his second began in 2019, a year after Cuomo won a commanding re-election. That election cycle was notable because Cuomo overcame a primary challenge from the actress Cynthia Nixon, who targeted him from the ascendant left. Though Nixon lost, six insurgent progressives defeated members of the Independent Democratic Conference, a breakaway group of centrist Democrats who had spent the last half decade in an unusual — and incredibly infuriating to progressives — power-sharing arrangement with State Senate Republicans. The I.D.C. had existed with Cuomo’s blessing, joining with Republicans to foil liberal priorities in the State Legislature, like tuition assistance for undocumented immigrants, tougher tenant protections and criminal-justice reforms. For Cuomo, a triangulating centrist determined to avoid having to sign or veto progressive bills while harboring dreams of the national stage, the arrangement worked just fine. (In 2018, I took a break from writing to run for State Senate myself, losing in a Brooklyn Democratic primary.)
Since the state party, historically, has been a creature of the governor or the most powerful Democrat in the state, Jacobs is safe as long as Hochul tolerates him. And Hochul, some Democrats say, owes Jacobs for the work he did behind closed doors to ensure that the new governor had a comfortable primary win after Cuomo resigned and immediately began to plot a comeback. Jacobs’s fear was that a divided field could pave the way for a Cuomo revival, and he worked to rapidly hustle up institutional and financial support for Hochul that helped to deter another challenger, Attorney General Letitia James, from running against her.
In 2021, after a democratic socialist, India Walton, defeated the longtime mayor of Buffalo and a former chairman of the state party, Byron Brown, in a contentious primary, Jacobs refused to endorse Walton. “Let’s take a scenario, very different, where David Duke — You remember him? The grand wizard of the KKK? He moves to New York, he becomes a Democrat and he runs for mayor in the city of Rochester, which has a low primary turnout, and he wins the Democratic line. I have to endorse David Duke? I don’t think so,” Jacobs said in a television interview, before clarifying that Walton “isn’t in the same category, but it just leads you to that question, Is it a must? It’s not a must. It’s something you choose to do.”
Outraged progressives called for Jacobs’s resignation. He refused to go, and Hochul, who is from the Buffalo area and remains close to Brown, did not force Jacobs out. Brown, with tacit approval from the governor and Jacobs, then won the mayoralty with a write-in campaign that November, drawing support from Republicans to crush Walton.
A year later, Jacobs explored ways of undercutting the established vehicle for left-wing organizing in the state, the Working Families Party, a hybrid of party activists and labor unions that had endorsed Jumaane Williams over Hochul in the primary. He cut a check to a more moderate Democrat trying to primary Jamaal Bowman, a Westchester County congressman and a member of the Squad, the prominent group of far-left members of Congress, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar. After Republicans swept Democrats out of power in the New York suburbs last fall, Jacobs quickly blamed the left. “New York did underperform, but so did California,” Jacobs told the politics publication City & State in November. “What do those two states have in common? Well, governmentally, we’re among the two most progressive states in the country.”
A 67-year-old political lifer, Jacobs has an unrelated day job overseeing a string of popular and lucrative summer camps in upstate New York, in Pennsylvania and on Long Island, where he lives. Democratic business is often run out of a TLC Family of Camps office in Glen Cove, a small town on Nassau County’s Gold Coast. Politicos and journalists who want to reach Jacobs know to email his Camp TLC address; Jacobs cc’d his chief of staff at that summer-camp address to help arrange a telephone interview that lasted an hour, despite Jacobs’s initial hesitancy about going on the record.
“People believe that the state party runs all the campaigns, determines the messaging, does the opposition research for every candidate and, you know, when a candidate anywhere loses, it’s the fault of the state party, and all of that is just not an accurate view of the function of the state party and what we actually do,” Jacobs said.
Jacobs described the party as a “housekeeping organization” and a “coordinating entity” that works among labor unions, campaigns and other interest groups. He cited the maintenance of a voter file that campaigns use to target the electorate as among its most important work, as well as establishing campaign offices at election time. Fund-raising, too, is a big part of the work, and it’s there where Jacobs has been especially useful. A multimillionaire and prolific donor, Jacobs has given more than $1 million to various Democratic candidates and causes over the last two decades. It can be argued that it’s this wealth, in part, that has allowed him to continuously lead the Nassau County party since 2001. Few staunch Democrats are both better wired and more willing to cut checks than Jacobs.
“How I run my businesses and my charitable donations and the rest would indicate, as well as my personal beliefs, would indicate that I’m really, personally, quite progressive, more so than most people would think,” Jacobs said. Rather, he argued, his message is direct: “Slow down. You’re going too fast. What you’re doing is going to lose us votes in the suburbs and rural areas.”
In an unusual move for a party leader, Jacobs last year backed the rivals of several incumbent Democrats. His motivation, he told me, was “the behavior of some of these folks that are speaking on behalf of what I’d refer to as the far left. They practice the politics of personal destruction. They won’t argue the merits of what I say, but they’ll condemn me — and others, by the way, not just me — in really vitriolic terms, personal and the rest. Some of the reasons why I personally gave to some of the primaries — it was just a handful of people — it’s because of what they said about me. Personally.”
Last August, Jacobs donated $2,900 — the maximum allowable amount — to a county legislator trying to unseat Bowman. The congressman won by 38 points anyway.
“I don’t know Jay Jacobs,” Bowman told me. “I’ve never talked to him on the phone. I’ve never met him in my life. Even though I was a newcomer in 2020, I was still duly elected, and I’m a member of the party now. One would’ve thought that the leader of the party would have reached out to have a cup of coffee or have a conversation.”
Should Jacobs resign? “The short answer is yes,” Bowman answered. “But the more, I think, comprehensive nuanced answer or question is, What the hell are we even doing? You know, the whole thing about the corporate agenda, which I think Jay Jacobs and maybe even Governor Hochul and maybe others are missing is, when you talk about younger voters, millennials or Gen Z, they are not aligned with corporate interests over labor and working-class people.”
But Jacobs has plenty of defenders, including county leaders across the state, who believe he’s an upgrade over his somnolent or domineering predecessors and has a realistic view of what it takes to win beyond the liberal confines of New York City. “It’s hard for me to understand this rancor from certain individuals, by the way, who never seem to be satisfied,” says Jeremy Zellner, the chairman of the Erie County Democratic Party. “Only in New York could Jay win every single statewide election and hold the supermajorities in both the Assembly and Senate and be chastised.”
Gregory Meeks, the Queens congressman and chairman of the county organization there, echoes Jacobs’s critique: The progressive and socialist left has cost Democrats in general elections by forcing them to defend positions he believes are alienating. “Extremes cannot be the dominant part of a party, because it isolates everyone else,” Meeks says. “What’s not good for all of us is talking about defunding the police.”
Because Hochul inherited Jacobs, his critics have hoped she would ditch him for someone who might take a more active role in the sort of tasks that party chairs in other states care far more about: recruiting candidates, shaping the party’s message, funding voter-outreach campaigns that begin many months ahead of a general election and even hiring a full-time communications director and research staff. Among some Hochul allies, there has been quiet frustration directed at one of her top advisers, Adam Sullivan, who speaks frequently with Jacobs on Hochul’s behalf. Sullivan holds great sway in Hochul’s world because he managed her successful campaign for Congress more than a decade ago. Despite his low profile and the fact that his consulting firm, ACS Campaign Consulting, is based in Colorado, where he lives, Sullivan was one of a select few aides Hochul thanked in her victory speech. Sullivan himself disputes that there’s any behind-the-scenes friction. “The governor is completely committed to building a strong, robust party,” Sullivan says. “Everyone in her orbit is on the same page.” What isn’t clear is whether that page, and the vision for the future of the state party, includes Jacobs.
Even Jacobs’s detractors acknowledge that dumping him and hunting for a replacement is only the beginning of a political project that will take many years. (Floated successors include Adriano Espaillat, a congressman who has built a strong operation among Dominican Americans in Upper Manhattan; Grace Meng, a Queens congresswoman and Democratic National Committee vice chairwoman who is the first Asian American elected to the House from New York; and Jessica Ramos, a progressive Queens state senator.)
All the ongoing chaos hasn’t escaped the notice of national Democrats. “When I go to D.N.C. meetings,” says a high-ranking New York Democratic official, who requested anonymity to avoid antagonizing colleagues, “there is a sense that New York doesn’t have a state party at all.”
Through the first half of the 20th century, Tammany Hall, with origins as an Irish Catholic society in the late 1700s, was the embodiment of the local Democratic Party, using patronage to secure power and dominating state and city politics alike. Nothing equivalent rose to take its place. “I don’t think anybody in their right mind would compare the state party right now to the machine that existed 50, 60, 70 years ago,” says Paterson, the former governor who later served as state party chairman during Cuomo’s tenure.
New York never had a Harry Reid figure, a singularly powerful Democrat who took an obsessive interest in party building. The two Cuomos, Mario and his son Andrew, governed the state for a combined nearly 23 years, and each treated the party organization as little more than a tool for self-promotion. A liberal icon to the rest of America for his soaring speech at the 1984 Democratic National Convention, Mario Cuomo was assailed at home for barely lifting a finger to aid Democrats desperately trying to retake the State Senate. In 1990, The Times reported that Cuomo was hoarding more than $5 million for his own campaign while spending none for the State Senate Democrats, who were outspent 4 to 1 by Republicans. In 1994, the state party spent almost $2 million to aid Cuomo’s failed re-election effort while offering less than $30,000 apiece for the candidates for attorney general and state comptroller. By the end of the year, the party was moribund and completely broke, running up a million-dollar debt.
The only Democratic governor in modern times to care about the future of the state party and down-ballot candidates was Eliot Spitzer, who won a landslide victory in 2006 and would resign, a little more than a year later, in a prostitution scandal. Spitzer was a proud liberal who wanted to break the Republican hold on the State Senate. The party, too, was trying to modernize in anticipation of Senator Hillary Clinton’s 2008 campaign for president. For a brief period, under the leadership of Denny Farrell, an influential state assemblyman from Manhattan, talented operatives were hired, and Spitzer’s aides tried to implement a strategy for boosting legislative candidates.
“The party itself had really dissipated,” recalls Spitzer, now a real estate developer. His team helped recruit and fund an upstate Democratic candidate who won a pivotal special election for a State Senate seat in early 2008. “It was partly fund-raising, partly finding the right candidates, partly putting the right energy into it.”
The rise of Andrew Cuomo, who had a near-dictatorial hold on political affairs for nearly the entirety of the 2010s, put an end to nascent party-building plans. Cuomo treated Democratic politics as an extension of Cuomo politics, hoovering up resources and kneecapping Democrats he viewed as a threat. He was content to let Republicans keep the State Senate and rarely campaigned for House candidates. Donald Trump’s election, coupled with Sanders’s 2016 bid, would radicalize a new generation of Democrats. Soon, a democratic socialist candidate was winning a State Senate seat, and Working Families Party-supported insurgents were driving out the conservative Democrats who had chosen to align themselves with the Republican Party.
By 2018, Ocasio-Cortez had felled one of the most powerful party bosses in New York, a sign that the left could win its battles against the establishment. “We need Democrats who are not running from their own shadow,” says Sochie Nnaemeka, the New York director of the Working Families Party.
The widening fissures are both ideological and geographical. Manhattan and Brooklyn Democrats saved Hochul in November, but so did Westchester County, which once upon a time was a Republican stronghold. Democrats there gave Hochul a 20-point margin over Zeldin after Biden flew in to campaign for her. Westchester has continued to mirror national trends, as affluent suburbs grow Democratic, but Republicans have remained remarkably resilient on Long Island. Home to lavish estates, as well as growing Orthodox Jewish communities and a rising Asian American electorate newly alienated by Democrats, along with a working- and middle-class vote forever skeptical of big-city liberalism, the eastern suburb backed Zeldin by double digits. In recent years, the Hudson Valley has grown bluer, with city residents scooping up comparatively cheaper real estate during the pandemic, yet Zeldin carried Rockland, Dutchess, Putnam and Orange Counties, where Trump-era enthusiasm for Democrats gave way to backlash over rising crime south of the former Tappan Zee Bridge (renamed for Mario Cuomo by his son).
Jacobs can credibly argue that the progressivism or outright socialism that wins in Brooklyn or Queens can’t be easily sold in Nassau County. But Bowman and his cohort can ask why he neglects the younger voters moving left — or, for that matter, why he fails to build out an organization that can be credibly called a political party, the kind that is more than one man and a few aides conducting political business from a summer-camp office. In a 10-page report issued in January, Jacobs pinned Democratic losses on historically high Republican turnout, a contention backed by data. But shouldn’t a state party’s task be, in part, to turn out its own voters? Had enough Democrats been motivated to vote, George Santos would never have been sworn in as a congressman.
“What we saw is a party that did not know what role they should play,” Nnaemeka says, “and therefore played no role.”
Ross Barkan writes frequently on New York and national politics. He is the author of two novels and a nonfiction account of Covid’s impact on New York City. This is his first article for the magazine.
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2023.02.07 02:13 _Revelator_ "Clarkson’s Farm returns: Muck, mayhem and ding-dongs with the locals" plus Clarkson's Column
![]() | Muck, mayhem and ding-dongs with the locals — Clarkson’s Farm returns submitted by _Revelator_ to thegrandtour [link] [comments] Nick Rufford goes down to Diddly Squat to find out how Farmer Clarkson, Lisa and Kaleb are coping (Sunday Times, Feb. 5) There’s a chill in the Cotswolds air as Jeremy Clarkson steers his Range Rover slowly along a rutted track on his Oxfordshire farm. “I’m being careful not to hit a pothole,” he says. A few weeks later, he will hit a giant pothole with his infamous newspaper column about the Duchess of Sussex. He will apologise for what he wrote, ask for it to be removed from the internet and admit it was “disgraceful”, promising to be more careful in future. But today, before the storm, we’re here to talk about the second series of Clarkson’s Farm, the show about his accident-prone attempts to turn a flop into a going concern. He wants to start by demonstrating his latest four-wheeler, which, he promises, is a marvel. “There,” he announces as we stop on a rise with sweeping views of the rolling countryside. In a corner of a cow pasture is a collection of hen houses. There’s no sign of a barn that might store the Italian supercar or monster off-roader I’d assumed he was talking about. “Right there,” he insists. He points at the tiny wheels on the four corners of each hen house. “You fence off a small part of the field and put cows in there,” he explains. “Then you move them to the next patch and roll the hen house into the bit of the field where the cows have just been. As the hens cluck about they trample in the cow faeces, along with their own.” It transpires it’s a method called mob grazing and it revitalises the soil, reducing the need for chemicals. It’s better for the planet and for his pocket because fertiliser is now costing him £130,000 a year. Farmer Clarkson with his mobile hen house Modern-day Clarkson is a friend of soil, trees and natural farming. On his 1,000-acre spread — named Diddly Squat because that’s how much money it made when he took over running it in 2018 — he’s erected owl boxes and planted wildflower strips to attract insects and birds. “I have flocks of yellowhammers now,” he says proudly. “And goldfinches, goldcrests, bullfinches. Rather than just seeing the odd one on a bird table, you see 100 yellowhammers swoop by.” Has he turned his back on city life? “When people now say come to London, I go all pale. Oh God, really? Do I have to?” Surely he misses the Top Gear days when he pinballed round the world with his co-presenters, Richard Hammond and James May. “I’ve had 20 years travelling the world and seeing all these places,” Clarkson says. “So, do I miss it? Not really, no. I’ve kind of done it. I’ve been to all 50 US states. You can’t drive to the North Pole any more. Plus, a lot of the world is no longer safe. We went from Iraq to the Iranian border and up into eastern Turkey — PKK country — then dropped down into Syria and went through Raqqa, Homs, Palmyra, Damascus, into Jordan. You couldn’t do that now. Mozambique? Off limits. Ukraine. No. Shan State in Burma? No. Can’t do anything [in Africa] where Boko Haram is operating. Libya? Obviously not. So, the world has gone really tiny. But now I don’t need to go to Tierra del Fuego to expand my mind. I can do it by learning how you put in stake fencing or protect trees when you’ve got a big deer population. I notice the little things now — that spring’s not running as well as it was yesterday, or that tree’s not looking quite as healthy. Just tiny things.” Clarkson with a bird in the hand When Clarkson’s Farm was released in 2021 it quickly became one of Amazon’s biggest winners, eclipsing costlier productions and surprising pundits, not least Clarkson himself. “Amazon originally wanted me to do a thing on jet skis and fighter planes. I said, no, farming, and they eventually said, oh all right. They weren’t expecting it to be successful; nobody was until nine months after we’d finished filming when the programme went out.” The series immediately caught the public’s imagination. It also gave a voice to the problems of hard-pressed farmers who for years had felt neglected by an urban-centric government and media. Coming at a time of sharply rising food prices, it raised awareness of food security and highlighted the danger of the government’s plans for favouring imports of cheap food over home-grown produce. He also shone a spotlight on the phasing out of agricultural subsidies and the dire consequences for small farms. Clarkson was credited with persuading the government to rethink. By the time Amazon realised the programme’s impact, it was too late for an immediate follow-on. The farming year was already two thirds of the way through and filming had to wait until the start of the next harvest, even though viewing figures were through the roof. Amazon hurriedly commissioned a second and a third series so as not to be wrong-footed again. “There was a rush to, ‘Ooh, could you do another one?’ and ‘it should start now’,” Clarkson recalls. “I know Amazon’s a powerful company but it can’t control the seasons. We had to wait.” [Mild spoilers ahead] As a result, when series two opens more than a year has elapsed since we last caught up with Jeremy, Lisa, his girlfriend, Kaleb, the farm manager (or “rural Yoda”, as Clarkson calls him), Gerald, the stone wall repairer and head of security, and “cheerful” Charlie, the long-suffering land agent. A lot has happened in the interim. Clarkson has offloaded his belligerent sheep on to a neighbour. In their place are 29 beef cows — reduced to 27 when two get eaten. He is growing new crops, including spelt and drought-resistant durum wheat. He’s teamed up with a local brewer to produce lager from his spring barley. He has “millions more bees”. Kaleb’s family has grown by one to include baby Oscar. Lisa’s patience has found its limits. After an argument with Clarkson about the farm shop she mutters “what a twat”. New characters have arrived, including Dilwyn the vet, who is a midwife to Clarkson’s cows, and Alan the builder, a younger version of Gerald and almost as incomprehensible. “Builders talk in a language I don’t understand,” Clarkson sighs. “It’s all acronyms.” Cotswolds Gothic What hasn’t changed is Clarkson’s daily struggle with uncooperative livestock and farm machinery. His cows keep escaping. He accidentally slices off the end of his thumb in a potato-slicing machine he’s bought for making crisps. In hospital, a plastic surgeon grafts it back on. He narrowly escapes suffering the same fate as his castrated bullocks when a section of fencing whips back and hits him in the groin. His tractor collides with an electricity pole and almost blacks out west Oxfordshire. “You’ve f***ed up big time now,” Kaleb scolds him, surveying the wrecked cultivator and half-severed pole. As his problems pile up, his mob-grazing plan is halted by avian flu, the Covid of the bird world, which forces him to lock his flock inside their wheeled houses. Bovine tuberculosis, which could wipe out his herd, has infected neighbouring farms and is creeping closer. At one point, he rushes to strengthen fences and raise the height of water troughs to deter TB-carrying badgers. It’s not enough but he’s warned that if he kills a badger he risks a £40,000 fine or 12 months in prison. “Badgers give cattle TB and I’m not allowed to shoot them because of Brian May out of Queen,” he fumes. Inspectors visiting his farm shop tell him his crisps don’t comply with food standards (“Luckily they didn’t know about the bits of thumb”) and that he shouldn’t be selling hats and T-shirts — made in Vietnam — because all products have to originate from 16 miles away or less. Then there’s the whole business of his restaurant. The trouble begins after Clarkson learns he is about to lose £82,000 in agricultural subsidies. To plug the gap, he hatches a plan to turn a lambing barn into a bijou eatery hoping to turn a tidy profit. In various public meetings he does his best to explain why it would be good for the local economy, but hostile locals want to put him in the village stocks — he’s a wealthy celebrity landowner, after all. Yet it’s hard to see what he’s done wrong — in farming terms at least — apart from follow government advice to “diversify” to reduce his dependency on subsidies. “You’ve shown no sympathy or empathy with people who live in the village, who you describe as morons,” one angry local says. “You said, ‘Every village has one moron, I have six.’ I don’t want to be called a moron. I think you should apologise for that.” “I apologise to you immediately,” a contrite Clarkson says. “You don’t sound moronic at all and your points are valid.” It’s obvious though that some of the moaners, if not moronic, are misguided. One insists Diddly Squat is a show farm that has never produced anything (as evidence to the contrary, Clarkson’s shop is loaded with his own vegetables, meat and honey). “Ultimately you’re not a farmer, you’re a media personality,” Clarkson is told. “We’re not Love Island. You personally do not need an income.” Clarkson, who also hosts Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? and The Grand Tour, admits he doesn’t. But his farm needs an income to continue as a viable business. For balance, most of the ordinary folk who wander in and out of the eight episodes — neighbouring farmers, mechanics, delivery drivers — are on Clarkson’s side and want to see him succeed. “The ones with house numbers are largely supportive and the ones with house names are the objectors,” he explains. Everywhere he turns, he faces bureaucracy. “People think farming is about caring for the land, but it’s mainly about filling in forms to say how many broad beans we’re growing and how many sunflowers and potatoes we planted to the nearest centimetre or dealing with the soil police and the badger police,” he says. “Every type of police you can imagine: frog, water vole, water, fencing. Too many to count.” A case in point is when he tries to rid his fields of crop-killing weeds. Using chemical weedkillers is deemed environmentally unfriendly. The alternative is to plough in the weeds but that guzzles tractor diesel and releases carbon from the soil, “a double climate change whammy”, he says. Stubble burning, another time-honoured solution, is banned. Smallholder farmers, he reflects, are “criticised by environmentalists, exploited by supermarkets, hated by rambling enthusiasts and given absolutely no help by the government”. Finally he loses his rag while attempting to register his cattle in compliance with official rules. After what seems like an age trying unsuccessfully to use an automated menu on a phone line, he bitterly exclaims: “I hate the government so much.” The final judgment on his restaurant plan is delivered at a meeting of West Oxfordshire district council’s planning committee. He has spent £25,000 on paperwork and won the support of the local parish council, the Cotswolds Conservation Board, Thames Valley police, Oxfordshire county council, West Oxfordshire district council’s business development team, plus a coalition of local farmers who hope to sell their produce at Clarkson’s restaurant. A few committee members speak up on his behalf, citing the jobs his project will create. Things start to unravel when one member complains that the extra light pollution would interfere with his personal stargazing: “I didn’t stay up to watch The Sky at Night till 10.30pm for nothing,” he declares crossly. It seems a small point when set against the benefits. The casting vote is held by a man called Jeff, but a glance at the faces around the room tells us it’s going to end badly for Clarkson and it does. His plan is summarily rejected. Does he feel bitter? “It’s nearly impossible to make money from farming these days,” he says. “We have been told by the government that to survive we must diversify. And now local government is saying we can’t. That has to be addressed, and soon, so that councils are encouraged or even ordered to cut farmers some slack.” By way of consolation, Roger Daltrey of the Who emails him to say he’d had a similar experience. There are more messages of support from hoteliers, publicans and other farmers. Readers who have followed news reports will know that Clarkson not long afterwards converted a barn into a “pop-up” restaurant in apparent defiance of the ruling. He’d found a loophole in planning laws enabling him to use an existing building as a temporary eatery. The final episode shows the grand opening. He was inundated with diners but the celebration was short-lived. The council served him with a legal notice that forced him to shut it down. Viewers may conclude it’s all a classic case of trouble in paradise. The backdrop to the series is the bewitching Cotswolds countryside that melts from gold to brown to green as the seasons change. “Down there is Wychwood Forest,” Clarkson says, stopping to gaze at distant trees spread out beneath enormous skies. We’ve said goodbye to the chickens and are back in the Range Rover, navigating more potholes on our way back to the farmyard. “Farming is wearing me out,” he complains at the end of a rough day on series two. The next morning he climbs on his tractor and realises what makes it all worthwhile: “It’s like the end of Forrest Gump where he ends up mowing the village green. That’s how I feel when I’m out here in the morning mists with deer in the field. I love it.” Series one won several entertainment awards for Clarkson and Andy Wilman, the series editor and his longtime collaborator. The show also won accolades from the farming industry. Clarkson has been adopted as a sort of mascot by toilers on the land. Following that Duchess of Sussex column, it was widely reported that series three of Clarkson’s Farm — already being shot — will be the last and, if true, that is a shame. *** Jeremy’s girlfriend, Lisa Hogan, reveals the Kafkaesque nightmare of running the farm shop — and the joys of ‘bee juice’ Get ready for more farming adventures in series two. It’s the same setting but there are new challenges. For one thing we have cows, which should be easier to manage than our delinquent sheep but Jeremy and Kaleb seem incapable of penning them in. They’re too busy gassing about tractors. Meanwhile the cows escape and head for the hills. Luckily my main job is to look after the farm shop. I say luckily but it means I’m directly in the council’s line of fire. Every time we try and do something there’s a lot of “nos”, “nyets”, “nientes”. Sometimes I feel like an arms dealer — it’s as though I’m trying to sell weapons rather than potatoes and tea towels. I work with my sister, Aoibhne, and we design everything together. Most of it comes from the local area, which is great. Our bestselling product is honey — what Jeremy calls “bee juice”. We produce different varieties. I did brandy and cinnamon at Christmas and there’s a whiskey honey too. We planted echium, which has a bright purple flower. The bees go mad for it, so we put a lot of hives up there. I pick elderflower from around here and make elderflower shandy using the lager Jeremy produces from his spring barley. I also make “cow juice vodka”, using whey from our cows. I have quite a stubborn Irish streak — if someone refuses me something but it doesn’t make sense in my head, I just go ahead and do it anyway, which I get into trouble with Charlie and Jeremy for doing. When the show comes out, it’ll be interesting to see whether we have a lot of responses from people saying they have experienced similar problems with their local councils. What it does highlight is how difficult it is for farmers to do anything — whether it’s stopping TB affecting your cattle or trying to build a car park for the farm shop. Sometimes it seems as though the council is picking on us. It knocks you back and gets you down and, after a while, it’s destructive for the soul. It’s not as though we’re trying to expand the shop. I don’t really want it to get any bigger. I think the whole charm of it is it’s so diddly-dee and there’s a really lovely spirit there. I don’t want to change that. *** ‘I still shout at Jeremy’ Diddly Squat’s farm manager Kaleb Cooper on why the dynamic between him and his boss hasn’t changed People keep asking me if series two is different. Well, I’m still the same person, just a bit older. Nothing really changes. I still shout at Jeremy and he still annoys me. In series one, Jeremy had no real idea about farming. In series two, he’s got a little knowledge and that’s a very dangerous thing. He can’t use implements on the back of the tractor, so I have to babysit him. I put the cultivator on — my little boy, Oscar, will learn how to put a cultivator on before Jeremy. He’s a liability when he’s driving. He ran into an electricity pole with the tractor. For a guy who’s operated a steering wheel for all his life, it’s a bit worrying. The only thing he is good at is using the cattle crush that clamps in a cow so you can examine them if they’re poorly or you’re artificially inseminating them. Otherwise he’s terrible with livestock. If he’s getting the cows in, they run off. I spent most of this series trying to nurse him back into the kitchen with a cup of coffee to write another column because it’s easier than having him with me. It’s weird being in the public eye. I can’t get used to people asking for selfies. It can take a long time just to go and buy milk because of people coming up to me. In fact, it’s quicker to milk the cow than go to the store. But as long as I can inspire a young kid to go “I’m going to be a farmer”, that’s what I’m all about. Some people think because I’m on television I drive a Ferrari, but I’ve still got the same Mitsubishi Barbarian. It annoys me when people say, “You must be doing really well — you’ve got new tractors.” I’ve traded two of my old tractors in, but I do it every three years through my contracting business. That’s how you stay in business. My eventual goal is to own my own farm. At 13 I wanted to work for myself and at 16 I accomplished that. At 16 I wanted a bigger business [and] by 18 I had that. If things go really well I might have my own farm next year at 25, or it might be 30. The only problem now is the price of land. Around here the average farm is £3 million — that’s for 100 acres. You can’t really make a living off 100 acres. They normally say an arable farm is 600 acres per person. But no matter what, the day I wake up on my own farm, I’ll go, “I’ve done it, I’m happy.” I work hard. For three weeks in the summer I worked 117 hours each week to get all the crops in. But even after 117 hours if I didn’t get to the end of it, I’ll go, “Right, I’m going to do a couple more,” even if I’m tired. Every hour I’m out there I’m earning money, and I just keep saving it up. ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Want Plod to turn up to a crime scene? Fire up the wood-burner By Jeremy Clarkson (Sunday Times, Feb. 5) When you live in a world where right-on tree-huggers buy electric cars that they know full well were made using child slaves, and convicted rapists are sent to a women’s prison, and the people of America elect a president who can’t string a sentence together, it’s very hard to be shocked by anything. But last week I was, when I read a story about wood-burning stoves and learnt that in the past six years local councils have issued just 17 fines for smoke-control breaches. But there had been more than 18,000 complaints. That’s eight every single day. And I find that amazing. Who are these people? And what’s going through their minds? They watch Nicola Sturgeon on the news acknowledging that a woman who says she’s a woman and who was born with women’s bits might not actually be a woman, and they see German tanks on their way to Ukraine to hurl fire at Russian troops, and then in the middle of a report about the biggest strike for 30 years they are suddenly distracted by a wisp of smoke coming from a nearby chimney. “Marjorie. Call the council. They’ve lit their wood-burning stove at No 46 again.” Of course, by the time council officials have rented a Vauxhall and paid a visit to the owners of No 46, the wood-burning stove will be out. And the owner will say it’s never been lit, or that he only burns eco-logs that have been chopped down by child slaves, so getting a prosecution is tricky. That, however, is soon to change, because the government is ordering local councils to get medieval on the bottoms of repeat offenders. They want the police and the courts involved. They want wood-burning stoves to take over from knives as the new front line in the war on crime. If I were a policeman or a policemanwoman reading this, I’d be rolling my eyes, because where exactly will they find the time to investigate Nigel and Annabel’s logs? Especially if they’ve just received another batch of videos from the infernal Cycling Mikey. Cycling Mikey is a Dutch rollerskating instructor with an incredibly annoying voice who pedals round London with a camera attached to his plastic hat, recording footage of drivers who he thinks are breaking the law. Guy Ritchie, Frank Lampard and Chris Eubank are three of his best-known targets. He then sends the clips to Plod, who has to sit through the footage and then input the driver’s registration plate and then deal with all the paperwork. It must be wearisome for him. He joined the force having seen Jack Regan kicking a robber’s head in, and he ends up trawling through endless hours of drivers making a cheeky right turn. And now he’s been informed that when he’s finished doing that, and servicing the CCTV cameras that do Cycling Mikey’s job but without the annoying voice, he must go round to Acacia Avenue to make sure the logs that are being burnt there aren’t wet. I must be honest at this point. I have three wood-burning stoves in the barns on my farm, and they are fuelled by the ash trees I felled last year. Is that illegal? If it is, then what I meant to say is that I have three wood-burning stoves and I NEVER USE THEM EVER. I also have five open fires in my new house, and I burn coal on these because I’m from Doncaster. Is coal OK? Well, it is for me, because my chimneys are so badly designed, all of the smoke stays in the room. Making me feel homesick, if I’m honest. Of course, I’m well aware that I may get a visit from Plod one of these days, in the same way as when I’m in London, Cycling Mikey might catch me craftily sneaking the wrong way up Rainville Road to dodge the traffic on the Fulham Palace Road. WHICH I NEVER DO. All this would be fair enough if we lived in a country with a large, well-funded police force that was on top of things and had time every afternoon to deal with the misdemeanours. But we do not live in a country like that. Today, I worry about the safety of my daughters much more than I used to, and to make matters worse, I now worry just as much about my burly 6ft son. Because government figures show that there were 45,000 knife crimes in England and Wales last year (excluding Greater Manchester, for some reason). Innocent people are being shanked the whole time. I never used to be nervous in London, but I am now. And I just know that if someone hits me over the head and steals my watch, or smashes down my front door and steals my car keys, the crime will not be investigated properly and he’ll get away with it. Which will embolden him and his mates to keep right on going. Have you seen all that footage of gangs going into electrical stores and fast-food restaurants and simply helping themselves, in front of terrified staff, to whatever takes their fancy? It’s because they know the police won’t turn up and they’ll get a new iPhone and burger, for nothing. I think, however, there is a way forward. If you have been the victim of a robbery or a burglary, or any serious crime, then you should simply refuse to pay fines for trivial offences until the police have caught the culprit and he’s in a jail for six years, eating only what he can catch on the windowsill and passing the time by playing hide the sausage with Harry the Bastard. So, if you get a court notice about turning right or burning the wrong sort of logs, ignore it until Plod finds the man who nicked your telly. Because this kind of civil disobedience is exactly what’s needed to remind the government in general and the delusional mayor of London in particular to stop bullying normal people and focus their efforts on the real wrong ’uns. ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ And here's the Sun column: "20mph speed limits?! Why not ban cars and make us hop everywhere?" Clarkson's columns are regularly collected as books. You can buy them online or in person at your local bookshop. |
2023.02.02 12:34 Chico237 #NIOCORP- NYTIMEAS ARTICLE ~Nebraskans Are Sitting on Strategic Metals. Is Mining a Patriotic Duty?~
![]() | #NIOCORP- NYTIMES ARTICLE ~Nebraskans Are Sitting on Strategic Metals. Is Mining a Patriotic Duty?~Nebraskans Are Sitting on Strategic Metals. Is Mining a Patriotic Duty? - The New York Times (nytimes.com) Mr. Honan, NioCorp’s chief operating officer, on Beverly Beethe’s farm. “The rocks are different here,” he said. By Dionne Searcey Photographs by Arin Yoon
The tenor of these quiet flatlands, where deer bounce across gravel roads and neon sunsets scream across the long horizon, would change dramatically if mining for metals like niobium, scandium, titanium and rare earths begins. But many people here think Southeast Nebraska, dotted with dying downtowns and aging residents, could play a small part in helping to solve a full-blown geopolitical crisis that Doc Evans, a Johnson County commissioner, summed up like this: “The trouble with China.” Mr. Evans and numerous others welcome the digging that a company called NioCorp wants to begin because they feel it’s their patriotic duty. For too long, they said, the United States has depended on other countries for metals and minerals the nation could find at home, if only someone were willing to spend the money and effort to retrieve them. “I think it’s good for our country,” said Don Othmer, who lives in Elk Creek, where the mine would be. Relying on other countries for raw materials means “we’re kind of held hostage,” he said. Geological fate meted out hundreds of millions of years ago left the United States lacking rich stores of many of the raw materials found on the federal list of minerals critical to the economy and national security. The country has relied on imports of certain minerals and metals that are abundant in China and elsewhere and are needed for America’s fighter jets, building materials and cellphone batteries. The United States is determined to no longer be dependent on other countries, particularly now as these materials, which are also used in making electric-vehicle batteries and for transmitting energy from wind turbines and solar panels to the power grid, are key ingredients for an economy that relies on renewables. Measures enacted under the Biden Administration offer major incentives to mining companies and processing facilities to do their work domestically. But the biggest incentive is the market demand that has increased the price of metals including rare earths — a set of elements found together, with names like terbium and dysprosium — making it newly economical for mining companies to scour the nation for even small amounts that can be scraped from underneath the soil Downtown Tecumseh, Neb., one of the nearby towns that would feel ripple effects from a new mine. NioCorp wants to bring in hundreds of workers and heavy drilling equipment to dig the metals. After decades of exploration and looking for financing, it soon may be able to get started, buoyed by new demand for a domestic supply of critical minerals and metals that can power America’s transition to renewable energy. And the company has embraced the messaging that plays well in this conservative area that counts patriotism as a key value. “It will help America,” said Mark Smith, chief executive of NioCorp, which is based in Colorado. The federal government is hoping to find new deposits of minerals and metals by carrying out projects to digitize information from 100-year-old geological maps and by flying survey planes all over the country. The government is also financing programs to comb through waste piles of old mines, including coal ash, for materials once deemed worthless. One program tests ways to sift minerals and metals from Superfund sites. “Can the U.S. meet its own mineral supply needs? It’s a big, complicated question,” said Graham Lederer, researcher at the United States Geological Survey’s Geology, Energy & Minerals Science Center. “Anything could be a resource. You just need to develop the technology and bring the cost down.” Just outside Elk Creek, pronounced by some locally as “Elk Crick,” workers from NioCorp are clearing trees to prep the land for digging, should it succeed in getting more financing. The company, now listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange, said it has lined up German buyers for some of its niobium. Hundreds of people and a new governor-elect turned up for a series of town halls in November held by NioCorp. The meetings drew investors from Kansas City who snapped photos as they wandered Elk Creek’s tiny downtown past a bank, a post office, small grocery store and the Village Tavern, which is known for its signature drink, the Elk Creek Water (Mountain Dew, Squirt, 7 UP, vodka and gin) as well as an annual event where beef testicles are served (the “Nut Feed”). “We’ve had a harder time keeping the younger generation here,” said Don Gottula, who owns a propane shop on Main Street. “We need a booster shot, I guess you could say.” As the hunt for more materials used in batteries continues, energy officials predict more scenes across America like the one in Nebraska, a state with abundant cornfields and cattle but no operating mines. In Utah, a mine has begun producing tellurium. A new cobalt mine in Idaho is expected to be operational this year. New lithium mining is planned for North Carolina, and in California companies are trying out new technology to extract lithium from geothermal brines. The world may need more than 300 new mines in the next decade to meet demand for electric-vehicle and energy-storage batteries, according to Benchmark Mineral Intelligence. In Nebraska, metals that were a distant memory from high school chemistry class have become part of regular conversation. Like most people in the Elk Creek area, any of the dozen or so farmers who gather for morning coffee several days a week before the lanes light up at Harvest Bowl in nearby Tecumseh can speak fluently about niobium. Coffee at Harvest Bowl on a recent morning included conversation about the mine. “Didn’t they put that in Superman’s underwear?” one joked on a recent morning. Niobium might help batteries hold a charge longer, another said, and that’s a good thing out here where miles separate even gas stations. But did anyone ever consider what happens to the wind turbines and solar panels years from now when they no longer function? “When they wear out there’s no place to go with them,” said Milton Buchholz, a retired farmer and former county roads department worker. The conversation turned to the prairie fires and dust storms that swept across parts of Nebraska last summer. The crop-withering drought just won’t let up. “I’m not convinced whether this is all man-made or God-made,” said Mr. Evans, the county commissioner who sat at a table near farmers in hats advertising pesticides and fertilizer and one that read “cow whisperer.” “I know that we may be contributing but who did it 100,000 years ago when we had an Ice Age?” he added. To build the mine here, workers would burrow nearly 2,500 feet into the earth, creating an underground mini city to operate machinery. Construction would take almost three years, requiring 400 workers and convoys of heavy trucks rumbling across the plains surrounding Elk Creek, population 98. “If we want to give our kids a chance, we’ve got to use the resources we have,” said Harold Richardson, a farmer and retired teacher from Elk Creek. China is the world’s main producer and processor of scandium and rare earths. America has only one rare earth mine, in Mountain Pass, Calif. It sends its ore to China for processing. (Mr. Smith of NioCorp is the former chief executive of MolyCorp, which used to own the Mountain Pass mine.) Brazil is by far the world’s biggest producer of niobium, which is used to strengthen steel. China Molybdenum, a state-backed company, bought a key niobium mine in Brazil in 2016. The importance of having a domestic stash of metals was highlighted in 2010 when China blocked exports of rare earths to Japan during a dispute over a fishing trawler incident, sending prices soaring. Since then, tensions between the United States and China only have escalated, prompting fears about politically and economically motivated supply-chain disruptions. NioCorp executives say the amount of metals they could recover at Elk Creek would be scant compared to the Chinese supply; they are still determining whether they can economically retrieve the rare earths. The company plans to dig titanium, too (China, Japan and Russia are among the world’s biggest titanium producers), but niobium is the most abundant metal at the site, and if operations go forward, Elk Creek would be the only niobium mine in America. Company executives say they expect demand for the metal to increase for use in new versions of lithium ion electric vehicle batteries under development. NioCorp has obtained all the necessary permits to start digging. But if it digs the rare earths, NioCorp may need to look overseas for processing. A new processing facility that is in the works in Texas could take years to become operational. “I’d really want to see these activities done in the United States or an allied country” such as Japan or Britain, said Mr. Smith of NioCorp. New demand for greener sources of energy is fueling interest from Wall Street in the Elk Creek mine. But the messaging from NioCorp tends to focus on the metals’ traditional uses — in oil pipelines and guided missiles, residents said. “NioCorp is being very thoughtful in how they’re communicating with Southeast Nebraskans,” said State Senator Julie Slama, who represents constituents in Johnson County, which has voted Republican in every presidential election since the 1960s. “In Nebraska, we have a sense of patriotism and desire to serve our country.” People have been talking about a mine in Elk Creek since the early 1970s when, according to local lore, pilots reported their instruments went haywire while flying over southeast Nebraska. The real story: University researchers received a federal grant to fly over the state with instrumentation that identified changes in the earth’s magnetic field, indicating the possible presence of certain minerals and metals. Core samples for testing were stacked in sheds on Ms. Beethe’s farm. “The rocks are different here,” said Scott Honan, NioCorp’s chief operating officer. Back then local workers were hired to carry out exploratory drilling, digging up hundreds of core samples, tubes of earth, for testing. Stacks of them are stored in metal sheds on Beverly Beethe’s farm, where the mine would be located. Residents signed land leases with the company, which eventually bought 226 acres. Some landowners netted lucrative deals and could receive royalty payouts of as much as $10 million a year. But the deals created bad blood. Some residents who were left out were miffed. Others like Ms. Beethe question whether they got a fair deal, especially in an area where the price of farmland has recently skyrocketed. “The way I got treated, I hope that they don’t treat the community that way,” she said. Many residents also are worried about damage from the toxic chemicals used in mining and processing. They wonder about cancer cases near the mine site. Rare earth metals are found alongside radioactive elements. Mr. Smith said that at Elk Creek the amounts are so small they don’t require state licensing, but he said as a precaution NioCorp plans to seek licensing anyway and will carry out required monitoring. Higher paying jobs would be welcome in the area, residents said, but still they wondered, how will the mine ever be able to find 400 workers? The nearby state prison has tried to fill vacancies by nearly doubling starting pay, to $28 an hour. Staff shortages are so severe at the local school district that the superintendent is pondering a four-day week for the next academic year. He already doubles as a bus driver because he can’t fill the job. And what if the workers do come? “Where the hell are 400 more people going to eat in this town?” said Tim Weber, who opposes the mine. Residents like Lavon Heidemann, a former lieutenant governor from Elk Creek, have benefited from the mine already. He was paid to help drill exploratory hole No. 7 back in the 1970s and now works as a local representative for NioCorp, fielding questions from his neighbors. Mr. Heidemann sometimes stares out from his hilltop farm at the blinking lights on the wind turbines several miles away. They bug him a little. He worries the nation might be transitioning too quickly to renewables. But, he said, the Elk Creek mine would be good for America. “I wish it wasn’t in my backyard, but it is. Other people sacrificed, and we need to sacrifice too,” Mr. Heidemann said. “I love this country to no end. We have challenges today and if we can help make it a better place in an environmentally safe way then, hot dog, I want to be a part of that.” Dionne Searcey is part of a team that won the 2020 Pulitzer Prize for international reporting and author of the book, "In Pursuit of Disobedient Women." **@**dionnesearcey • Facebook AWESOME! GO TEAM NIOCORP! Chico |
2023.02.02 01:21 honeybeedreams Monroe Co. Annual Conservation Tree and Shrub Sale
2023.01.30 17:57 Gallionella ALLS17G
2023.01.27 06:28 mndmschf The State of Sex: New state connecting the counties of NJ with sex in their names.
![]() | submitted by mndmschf to imaginarymapscj [link] [comments] |
2023.01.26 03:34 Maharaj-Ka-Mor A Summary of President Charles Lindbergh's Term (1937-1941) Peacock-Shah Alternate Elections
![]() | Charles Lindbergh, 31st President of the United States. submitted by Maharaj-Ka-Mor to Presidentialpoll [link] [comments] Administration: Vice President: Willis G. Calderwood Secretary of State: Henry Ford Secretary of the Treasury: Hugh S. Johnson Secretary of War: Rexford Tugwell Attorney General: Hugo Black (1937-1939 (appointed to Supreme Court)), Thomas C. O’Brien (1939 (acting, appointed to Supreme Court)), Jack Tenney (1939-1941) Secretary of the Navy: Richard E. Byrd (1937 (resigned over economic disagreements)), Hugh Mulzac (1937-1940 (resigned over health concerns)), Joseph M. Reeves (1940-1941) Secretary of the Air Force: George Kenney (1939-1941) Secretary of the Interior: Frank Lloyd Wright Secretary of Agriculture: George Nelson Peek (1937 (resigned over economic disagreements)), Lyrl Clark Van Hyning (1937-1941) Secretary of Labor: John L. Lewis Secretary of Science & Technology: Frederick Rentschler (1937-1938 (removed amidst a stock investigation)), Laura Ingalls (1938-1941) Secretary of Health: Laura Ingalls (1937-1938 (transferred)), Francois Duvalier (1938-1941) Postmaster General: Harold Lord Varney Foreign Policy: -Relations with Bolshevik Russia, suspended during the Roosevelt Presidency, were not resumed under President Lindbergh. -The primary foreign policy measure of the Lindbergh presidency would be the Paris Accords, negotiated in the aftermath of the congressional defeat of the New State as President Lindbergh would personally fly himself & Secretary of State Ford to France to meet with Marshal Philippe Petain in the Palace of Versailles, negotiating a formal alliance between France & the United States, including protections for France's right to intervene in the affairs of Washington, D.C., mutual most favored nation status in trade, & a pact of mutual defense. With the re-election defeat of British Prime Minister Oswald Mosley, Lindbergh’s attempts to secure a similar resolution with the United Kingdom would fail. -While a guest of the Petain Regime in Paris, Lindbergh would become acquainted with French nurse Mathilde Carre; after tending to Lindbergh again on a second visit to Paris, Carre would be hired as the President’s personal nurse in early 1938. -Removed during the Landon Administration, William R. Castle, a scion of Hawaii's planter oligarchy best known for his leading role in the surrender of Hawaii to Japan, would be swiftly re-appointed to the largely ceremonial position of American Governor of the American-Japanese Condominium of Hawai'i. Castle's appointment would signal an olive branch of friendship to Imperial Japan despite American remilitarization & the hostility of many right wing American allies of Japan, such as James G. Harbord, towards the New State. -The tenure of President Lindbergh has seen Feng Yuxiang’s National People’s Army find success in a series of offensives against Imperial Japanese forces for the first time in decades, with allegations of corruption against client Emperor Liu Guojie of the Suyi Dynasty widely blamed. With Japan at war in China once more, former President Eleanor Butler Roosevelt has led public fundraising efforts to support Chinese rebel general Chiang Kai-Shek, managed by her young lawyer, secretary, & editor of her upcoming memoirs, Richard Nixon. -On April 17th of 1939, Japanese forces crossed from Southern China to Vietnam. Vietnamese forces, relying on French backing, would find themselves unprepared as Petain sided with France’s Japanese allies. Within six weeks, Emperor Hàm Nghi, having claimed the throne since 1884 & ruled actively since his 1898 installation during the First Pacific War, would flee over the border to Siam & abdicate the throne. -The invasion of Vietnam & war in China has sparked a wave of anti-Japanese sentiment in opposition to Lindbergh’s support of many high profile Japanese collaborationists such as Hugh S. Johnson. Leading the duel in the public sphere have been conservative editor Henry Luce, Representative Walter Judd, a former missionary in China, & Aaron Burr Houston calling for a renewal of an anti-Japanese foreign policy, in opposition to the pro-Japanese propaganda broadcast nationally on NBC & the popular works of Japanophilic author Ralph Townsend, both focusing upon Japan’s anti-communist credentials, noting that the Revolution would almost certainly have succeeded if not for Japanese intervention & touting tales of the several Japanese soldiers to win Medals of Honor for their service with American forces in opposition to the Red Army. Admiral Richard E. Byrd raises the American flag over Antarctica. Domestic Policy: -Despite reluctance from the Secretary of Agriculture, the President, after bypassing Congressional authority, would quickly move to institute a system of agricultural planning & crop management as advocated by former collaborationist General Hugh S. Johnson, winning the support of Will Rogers in the process. Farmers have been paid not to produce in order to rehabilitate soil & drive up crop prices. -Flanked by Henry Ford, Hugh S. Johnson, Rexford Tugwell, & John L. Lewis, Lindbergh would use his inaugural address to declare the formation of a "New State" below the frigid D.C. sky. Drawing open inspiration from the Alabama Model of Milford W. Howard & Philippe Petain's France, Lindbergh's administration would introduce an elaborate proposal for a national economic panacea; firstly & most controversially, the General Trades Union would be established as a national union, to be led by John L. Lewis, with mandatory arbitration by Lewis's Department of Labor in labor-capital disputes; a National Recovery Administration, led by General Johnson & Stuart Chase, would be formed to coordinate the economy, primarily working with large businesses to secure public private partnerships & engaging in the renationalization of some industry, in practice to be managed by corporate groups split between representatives of business & the GTU; meanwhile, Lindbergh would follow with a series of other proposals, including government healthcare, mandatory crop management, government managed farmers' markets, hydroelectric power expansions, mandatory paid sick leave, unemployment compensation, & a "National Afterwork Program" of recreational centers modelled on the YMCA. -Charles Lindbergh would ascend to the presidency amidst falling unemployment rates coupled with rising inflation from the monetary policies of Harry Sinclair's Federal Reserve, a sworn opponent of the President's New State. As William Lemke & other Lindbergh allies would attempt to push the New State through the House, the Justice Department, under fascist leader Hugo Black, the former national president of Milford W. Howard's paramilitary Blackshirts, would begin an investigation into Sinclair. -Sinclair would soon be indicted on charges of bribery & conspiracy to defraud the government owing to his role in steering government contracts, particularly as regards the privatization of formerly government owned business during the Roosevelt Administration, towards friends in the business community & his own Sinclair Oil Corporation. Sinclair would deny the allegations, relying on the support of the Progressive House majority, which would turn to naught as Speaker of the House Harold Hitz Burton would find a rare stretch of common ground with the President in opposition to Sinclair. -Attempting to avoid impeachment, Sinclair would resign, only to be arrested & sentenced to six months in prison. Upon the dismissal of legislative power by President Lindbergh a year on, the Sinclair Oil Corporation would be seized by the Administration as part of the formation of the New State. -Meanwhile in the halls of Congress, Burton's gavel would strike down the New State proposal by proposal despite the best efforts of Lindbergh allies such as William Lemke & W.A. Boyle. William Randolph Hearst would cover the underwhelming nature of the defeats, occurring in quick votes with little debate. -Meanwhile in the Senate, Thomas D. Schall would continue as the stalwart of opposition to government agencies, accusing Lindbergh of emulating the dictators of Europe & accusing the Administration of utilizing the Postal Service to regulate Schall’s congressional mail, a charge Lindbergh would respond to by accusing Schall of abusing his congressional privilege of free postal service. -The public reaction from the Lindbergh Administration would be similarly lethargic, a far cry from the expected fire in response to the apparent destruction of the entirety of the President's economic agenda. However, newspapers would gradually publish reports of rage from General Johnson & John L. Lewis towards Lindbergh's lack of immediate action, with Johnson reportedly declaring in a cabinet meeting: "This is just like a war. We're in a war. We're in a war against depression & poverty & we've got to fight this war. We've got to come out of this war. You've got to do here what you do in a war. You've got to give authority & you've got to apply regulations & enforce them on everybody, no matter who they are or what they do. The individual who has the power to apply & enforce these regulations is the President. There is nothing that the President can't do if he wishes to! The President's powers are unlimited. The President can do anything." -Days later, the beginning of December would see silence take hold over the White House. Under the cover of darkness another layer would be added to the leonine myth of Charles Lindbergh, as the President, with Henry Ford in the passenger's seat, flew a small biplane across the seas to Paris for a classified summit with French dictator Philippe Petain. While the resulting Paris Accords would stand relatively unremarkable in direct policy ramifications, primarily regarding most favored nation status in trade & the recognition of a formal Franco-American Alliance, outcry from opponents of Lindbergh regarding his willingness to ally so openly with the authoritarian regime of Petain would spark an unprecedented reaction from the President, with Lindbergh refusing to submit the Treaty to the Senate for ratification. -By the end of 1937, the press would speak for the world as it judged Charles Lindbergh & his New State effectively dead, sardonically lampooning the seemingly utter failure of the Administration's ambitions as the economy would continue to spiral out of control. However, a political supernova would shatter the situation as, by the President's decree, the American flag was lowered to half staff beginning on December 29th of 1937 in commemoration of the surprise death of longtime Alabama Governor Milford W. Howard, the father of fascism, at the age of 75. Contained in the longest serving Governor in American history's last will & testament would be words pivotal to the establishment of the New State; Howard would dismiss the death of fascism's founder as happening alongside his final victory, hailing Charles Lindbergh as the apotheosis of his life's work. In an impassioned plea, the final message of Milford W. Howard to the world would implore the President to embrace Howard's longtime call for a "challenge to democracy" & seize executive power for himself to build the New State. -From the brooding nest of the Executive Mansion, a decree jettisoning all past precedent would ring through the nation, authorizing the transfer of the body of Governor Howard to Washington D.C.'s Capitol Rotunda for a State Funeral, inviting Howard's acolytes from across the world, his loyal Blackshirts chief among them, to flock to the streets of Washington for their idol and, in an even more controversial move, requesting a battalion of French troops from Marshal Petain to guard the streets of the capital, in accordance with the Treaty of Tegucigalpa's provision permitting French occupation of the District of Columbia & surrounding areas in Northern Virginia at the will of the French government. -In a move that would gain additional scrutiny, the funeral would be held relatively late, on March 7th of 1938, thus leaving Howard's body in the Capitol Rotunda for three months as Washington's hotels filled with Blackshirts. Meanwhile, President Lindbergh, in a display of power, would relay via Admiral Ernest J. King an order to have naval aviators circle Washington periodically, often in de facto coordination with fascist marches in commemoration of Howard. In response, Speaker Burton would accuse Lindbergh of aiming to disrupt Congressional procedure, arguing that the tactics constituted intimidation, while citing the interruption of transportation for members of Congress by fascist groups. -Nestled in a Washington apartment as the day of Howard's funeral arrived, the long combative Speaker Burton would find himself, for once, far from the action. As blackshirted fascists & fellow travelers filled the streets of Washington, President Lindbergh, expected as the star attendee of the mournful day, would be conspicuously absent along with John L. Lewis, leaving Secretary of the Treasury Johnson to lead the Administration’s exaltation’s of Alabama’s longtime favorite son. -Behind the curtains of the Oval Office, the President’s pen would flutter across a series of ostensibly ordinary documents, John L. Lewis & a telephone at his side. His signatures completed, one by one, Lindbergh would lift the telephone to inform the Secretary of the Treasury, then addressing a mourning yet rowdy crowd, of the deliverance, in death, of what Milford W. Howard had only dreamed of in life: the New State. -As Howard was lowered into the grave for all time, his life’s work would rise from the pen of President Lindbergh to soar across the United States. In a flurry of executive orders, Lindbergh would decree the implementation of a multitude of his economic proposals; the General Trades Union would be declared the national union, with John L. Lewis at the helm of it & a wide apparatus of government-union cooperation; the National Recovery Administration, chaired by Johnson & banker Thomas Lamont, would be formed to coordinate the economy with the nation’s corporations & manage public-private partnerships; telephone lines would be nationalized, with the GTU guaranteed half of the seats on the resulting corporate board; created additionally would be a Farm Bureau to manage agricultural output & encourage family farms, a rare departure from the typical corporatism of the Lindbergh Administration, in addition to a mandatory 14 days of paid leave for full time employees. -Upon hearing the news of the President’s complete disregard for the role of the legislative branch, Speaker Burton would dash across Washington, accosted by fascist crowds, to angrily denounce the President in front of a quickly assembled crowd of reporters as attempting to install a dictatorship, promising a retort from Congress in response to what he would dub a shredding of the constitution. -Marshaling the House’s anti-Lindbergh majority, Burton would preside over the passage of a series of House Resolutions declaring the actions of the President in violation to the Constitution, however, with the Senate narrowly in favor of Lindbergh’s authority, a series of eight proposed articles of impeachment introduced by Hamilton Fish III of New York would be delayed, intending to pursue their passage in the aftermath of the midterms of 1938. Lindbergh would earn further criticism by arguing that “Jewish interests” were largely to be blamed for the impeachment effort & opposition to the New State as a whole. -To Burton’s shock, 1938 would yield to Farmer-Labor the largest majority of any party in American history, jettisoning him from both the Speakership & his own seat in Congress, the result would dispel from the minds of the opposition any hopes of impeachment, despite the continued chorus of Frank Gannett, whose newspapers’ stringent opposition, in contrast to the support given to Lindbergh by William Randolph Hearst, would earn Gannett the moniker of “harpy” from Hugh S. Johnson. -With the defeat of the Progressives in 1938, famed radio host Charles Coughlin would succeed Burton as Speaker of the House, declaring over the airwaves “I dared you & challenged you to organize so that the people, if not the president, would drive the money changers from the temple, & you did it!” The ascent of Coughlin in the House alongside the less obsequious Robert M. La Follette Jr. in the Senate has marked the collapse of any semblance of the balance of powers, with the Lindbergh Administration fully organizing the New State via executive fiat beginning in 1939. -Among the most drastic effects of the New State has been a sharp decline in unemployment augured by the American Labor Service, a jobs program focusing on the development of infrastructure, hydroelectric power, & the protection of the environment. In addition, Lindbergh has allocated billions to subsidize low cost college education to Americans, focusing on engineering & natural science programs. Between the expansions of the military, the Labor Service, nationalization programs, & the growth of corporations sporting millions of employees each, for the first time since the American-Pacific War, the national unemployment rate has fallen below 7%, with inflation falling to its lowest levels in a decade. -President Lindbergh has called for the abolition of the Federal Reserve, however, though he has regulated & often crossed the nation's central bank, he has not acted yet to completely destroy the institution. -However, several sectors of the nation have experienced a wide economic downturn. The Lindbergh administration’s alliance with corporations via Hugh S. Johnson’s National Recovery Administration policy has led to the end of the federal support for small business begun during the Bryan years, driving many small shops either into extinction or the control of NRA allied corporations. The decline of the small business sector has provided ample tinder for the opposition, who have accused Lindbergh of setting back decades of progress on economic decentralization. -A critic of President Lindbergh, gossip columnist Walter Winchell’s vituperations, most famously using Lindbergh’s moniker as the “Lone Eagle” to dub him the “Lone Ostrich,” would largely fall on deaf ears despite Winchell’s large following. However, the tables would turn conclusively in October of 1939. Claiming as his source an anonymous resident of the White House, Winchell would allege that the President had begun an affair with his French nurse, Mathilde Carre, upon his initial visit to Paris in 1937 and, more salaciously, that not only has he continued the extramarital relationship to this day, but has fathered at least one child with Carre. Lindbergh himself has declined to address the allegations, however, opponents of Lindbergh, recognizing the wide popularity of the President, have led their attacks upon him with the information. -In early 1940, Winchell would take the allegations a step further, claiming that Carre is a paid agent of the Petain regime & extending claims of marital infidelity to Secretary of the Treasury Hugh S. Johnson. -In a rare point of unity with the departing Roosevelt Administration, President Lindbergh has wholeheartedly embraced the cause of remilitarization. In the model of his predecessor, Lindbergh has utilized state National Guards, paramilitary groups, & a robust Army Reserve to grow the size of the American armed forces to levels unseen in a time of peace before. Under the leadership of General George Kenney, the Army Air Corps has led the way in expansion; with the United States now boasting the most advanced Air Force in the world, Lindbergh has nearly tripled government spending on the Navy, far outpacing regulations upon naval armament placed by the Treaty of Tegucigalpa, limiting the size of the Navy to one third that of the British Royal Navy. -The first years of the Lindbergh presidency would see the Senate finally move forward with an investigation into the conduct of American forces on the island of Moroland, an American colony between 1903 & its loss to Japanese forces in 1917. Already being groomed to challenge Smith W. Brookhart for party leadership, the Committee would be chaired by Robert La Follette Jr. in a decision that would bring the heir into a rare point of difference with the Administration of President Lindbergh. With public releases regarding the longtime conflict against Moro natives kept tightly under wraps, excepting a highly publicized Medal of Honor ceremony for General Jacob H. Smith during the presidency of John R. Lynch, the La Follette Committee would call dozens of veterans of the conflict to the stand to testify regarding conduct. -Through months of hearings, officers of renown such as Pacific War Chief of Staff Leonard Wood & notably brutal anti-Revolutionary commander Littleton Waller would be implicated in war crimes against the Moro population, from massacres of civilians to the murder of prisoners of war & subsequent cover ups. In an early bombshell, documents cataloging an order by Jacob H. Smith to kill every inhabitant of a precinct over the age of 10 would be unearthed, sparking calls to posthumously strip the General of his Medal of Honor. -Called before the La Follette Committee, an elderly John R. Lynch would defend the actions of the military, deeming them necessary to establish an “honest & efficient government to the satisfaction of the civilized world,” declaring that “the Natives were not yet capable of self-government. I am of the opinion that it would have been best for the Natives & for their fertile land that they remained under the United States against the will of their people for at least a generation, though it must be frankly admitted that this is not in harmony with the American Declaration of Independence. The Natives, as a rule, pay very little attention to even sanitation and never bother to observe the laws of health and hygiene.” Lynch would refuse to apologize for the comments despite opprobrium, & would decline a state funeral upon his death in 1939. -Perhaps most controversial, however, would be the cases of Smedley Butler & Rafael Trujillo. Both second only to John A. Lejeune as the nation’s most prominent Marines, Butler would wholeheartedly endorse the cause of the La Follette Committee, assailing his past as a “gangster of capitalism” & testifying to the crimes of his compatriots, while admitting to inhumane treatment of Natives himself. However, despite his candidness, Butler would fall short of fully admitting his role in Moroland, a fact discovered upon the unearthing of letters wherein the Marine General would refer to Moros in heavily racist terms and divulge the presence of phosgene gas in the colony as a measure for control of the local population. -However, Butler, arguably the nation’s leading anti-militarist, would seize upon the opportunity to strike back at longtime rival Rafael Trujillo, himself the leading voice in opposition to the La Follette Committee. As a young officer in the Marine Corps, Trujillo & a small platoon of men would be tasked with escorting journalist Ida Tarbell. As per a 1913 investigation into the incident, an attack by a Moro band had led to Tarbell’s death, resulting in the awarding of the Navy Cross to Trujillo and a month’s paid leave from deployment in the colony. In contrast, Butler, then Trujillo’s commanding officer, would, with decades old letters to Littleton Waller proving his claims, reveal that Trujillo had instead had Tarbell executed after she witnessed the killing of a group of rural women and children on his orders, fearing a leaking of the incident. In the aftermath, occupying commanders on the island would forge claims of Trujillo’s heroism as an excuse to temporarily re-station him until the incident would be forgotten. -With President Lindbergh remaining silent, & conspicuously passing over Trujillo for the position of Commandant of the Marine Corps, the Santo Domingan General & anti-communist hero would turn to his longtime ally William Randolph Hearst to circle the wagons of public opinion around him. Nonetheless, with public outcry mounting, Trujillo would resign his commission in 1938 to enter the private sector. -In response to the continued militarization advocated by President Lindbergh, Smedley Butler would amp up his opposition to the Administration, engaging in an anti-Lindbergh speaking tour across Pennsylvania. Invited to speak at a conference of the Spanish Worker’s Party in Madrid, Butler would leave in November of 1937, earning some ridicule for dedicating the preponderance of his speech to alleging that Elektro, a robot under production by the Westinghouse Electric Corporation, was a top secret weapon of war, explaining his belief that the manufacturing of robots was the next horizon for war profiteers. -The disappearance of Smedley Butler from his hotel room would be relegated to the backpages of the day’s newspapers, as President Lindbergh’s negotiations with Philippe Petain over the Paris Accords captured the eyes, and headlines, of the nation. President Lindbergh would lay blame for the disappearance of Butler upon the doorstep of Spanish communists and Bolshevik Russia, even suggesting the complicity of Harold Hitz Burton, and use the incident to curry favor for the Paris Accords as an anti-communist measure. In contrast, former President John A. Lejeune, largely confined to cancer treatment centers throughout the Lindbergh presidency, has speculated that the Petain regime itself planned the disappearance of Butler, long his closest confidant. -With Secretary of the Navy Richard E. Byrd, an erstwhile political opponent of Lindbergh, leading the way for the beginning of his term, the Navy has pursued a focus anew on aircraft carriers as opposed to battleships. Leaving the Administration in the aftermath of increasingly heated disagreements over the President's economic policies, Byrd, who initially gained fame in the 1920s as an Antarctic explorer, has published, along with co-author Raymond Bernard, The Greatest Geographical Discovery in History. Reprising the theories of the late Ignatius Donnelly, Byrd has claimed that the Earth is hollow and that, in the aftermath of having proved the discovery at the South Pole, Byrd was forced to cover up the evidence as a part of a wide reaching government conspiracy. Comparing himself to Christopher Columbus, Byrd has purported to have discovered a fertile, almost tropical land within the Earth, inhabited by animals larger than elephants, in addition to evidence of the success of Ignatius Donnelly's famed final expedition to the North Pole. -Mainstream scientists have widely ridiculed Admiral Byrd's theories, though infamous radio host & former presidential candidate John R. Brinkley has become among their most stringent promoters. -In an early usage of executive power, President Lindbergh would force the Forest Service under the power of a new Environmental Protection Administration. The New State’s premier environmental protection agency would be brought into existence with a declaration by Lindbergh that “Preserving the environment is inseparable from maintaining our heredity itself. Where our environment declines, both human & animal decline with it.” The EPA has enforced a ban on whale hunting, began the first federal program for the protection of endangered species, & worked with military forces to guard forests from black market logging operations. -In addition, President Lindbergh has presided over the expansion of lands recognized as being under Native possession to include over 25% of the state of Texas. -With the popularity of Godzilla & other Japanese-sponsored films, director James Wong Howe, famed for his The Power & the Glory, a film loosely based on the exploits of Charles Lindbergh openly promoting the “stab-in-the-back” theory, has led a movement of filmmakers to Jacksonville, Florida to escape Japanese influence in Hollywood. -1937 would see the release of Man of Conquest, a biographical film about Sam Houston funded by Hearst Media. Despite Hearst gradually beginning to turn against Lindbergh for his expansion of executive power, an enraged Aaron Burr Houston would file a libel lawsuit against his longtime rival for the portrayal of his father in the film, citing Hearst’s depiction of the nation’s youngest President prior to the election of Lindbergh as drunken, uncouth, & unkempt. As ABH’s vituperations upon Hearst gained attention through the press, the media mogul would reconsider his near turn on President Lindbergh, putting a hold on anti-Lindbergh editorials and beginning to trumpet the successes of the President. With the conclusive departure of both Hearst and the Union Party to the auspices of Lindbergh, the People’s Ownership Smash Crime Rings coalition would finally meet its end, reforming into the rump Progressive Party to carry the torch of opposition to President Lindbergh. As the lawsuit would be found in Hearst’s favor in 1939 and in response to Houston’s increasing prominence amongst the opposition, Hearst has grown ever closer to Lindbergh. -Based on Federal Republican editor turned children’s novelist L. Frank Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz, 1939 would see the release of The Wizard of Oz, following a girl named Dorothy transported to the land of Oz by a tornado and given a pair of silver slippers, where, after discovering the wealth of the Emerald City to be false, she wins the aid of a Raven & a band of friends to overthrow the Wicked Witch of the East. -The so-called “Fourth Great Awakening” has proceeded, as Lindbergh himself has emphasized the Christian nature of the nation in accordance with the 19th Amendment "recognizing the law & authority of Jesus Christ over the United States.” Pentecostal Christianity has become the largest growing faith in American history, with Bishop Alfred Garr considered the most influential religious leader in America after Father Charles Coughlin, while Pentecostal preachers Charles Jones & Charles Mason have become likely the most important black religious figures in American history. On the Catholic side of the aisle, charismatic preacher Fulton Sheen would be elected to the Senate from Indiana as a Farmer-Laborite in 1938. -Three years after returning to prominence as a critic of the very Revolution he once participated in as leader of the Bronx Soviet, Benjamin Gitlow has become an opponent of President Lindbergh. Facing increasing controversy through his American speaking tours, Gitlow would embark on a tour of the world in early 1939 to speak against the execution of Leon Trotsky & Nikolai Bukharin by the Soviet government on charges of opposition to the Soviet Troika. -Inventions in President Lindbergh’s term include cruise control, the electric guitar, & the slinky. Supreme Court Appointments: -Rising to provide the final challenge to the New State would be the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Dudley Field Malone, himself best known for his close alliance with former President Alf Landon. Led by the 1936 campaign manager for Henry S. Breckinridge’s abortive conservative Liberal bid for the presidency, Kentucky’s Jouett Shouse, an assortment of legal challenges to the New State, targeting aspects as varying as crop management & the General Trades Union, would fall under the case of Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, broadly challenging the ability of the executive branch to impose such policies by order. In a resounding 7-2 decision, with Justices Tom Stewart & John Raulston dissenting and Justice Charles Evans Hughes writing for the court, the constitutionality of the New State would be rejected wholly. -”Malone has made his decision, now let him enforce it;” so would be the response of the President of the United States. With no intention to step back & the support of both Congress & the vast majority of the nation’s Governors, James Eli Watson of Indiana the premier dissenter, Lindbergh would move to turn talk of impeachment against the opposition. Focus would center around Chief Justice Malone, whose connections to New York’s infamous political machines, including Tammany Hall, would be cited in a quickly drawn article of impeachment that would pass the House within two weeks of the Schechter decision. Presiding over his own trial, Chief Justice Malone would be dragged from the presiding officer’s chair by French troops as the Senate voted for his conviction. To replace Malone, former national leader of the Blackshirts & current Attorney General Hugo Black would be nominated & swiftly confirmed. -Justice Pierce Butler, appointed in the third term of Aaron Burr Houston, would die in November of 1939. Despite a controversial past on racial matters, 55 year old Robert Rice Reynolds of North Carolina would be appointed to the Court to succeed Butler in a move that, while assaulted across the American press, would pass the Senate with little difficulty. -With Malone disgraced & Butler dead, the Administration would turn to Justice Charles Evans Hughes & Louis Brandeis, both in failing health. To compound the issue, Coughlin would publicly urge viewers to harass both justices, focusing upon rumors of Justice Hughes’ wife having taken ill. Brandeis would crack first, resigning amidst the confirmation of Reynolds, with an exhausted Hughes giving way days later. In replacing the obstinate pair, President Lindbergh would turn to Philip La Follette, brother of the Senate Farmer-Labor leader and a noted anti-revolutionary war hero of the early 1920s, and Acting Attorney General Thomas C. O’Brien. Both would be confirmed swiftly, conclusively shifting the balance of the court in Lindbergh’s favor by a 6-3 ratio, thus preventing any attempts to genuinely act upon the Schechter decision. View Poll |